INDEX / DIRECTORY / MASERATI

Maserati

Car Manufacturers 82 CITED SOURCES UPDATED 2026-06-16
BDS-1000 Score 136 /1000 E Tier E - Limited
Military ↗ 0.00 Digital ↗ 0.00 Economic ↗ 0.86 Political ↗ 2.00

BDS-1000 Dossier: Maserati S.p.A.

Key Findings

  • Economic: Stellantis (Maserati’s parent) signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the Israel Innovation Authority in April 2021 to co-operate on Israeli start-ups in driving assistance, cybersecurity, and Industry 4.0.123
  • Economic (tech partnership): Maserati is listed as an innovation partner of Vayyar Imaging, an Israeli radar-sensor company.4
  • Political: Maserati and Stellantis issued no public statement on the Israel-Palestine conflict following October 2023, contrasting with Stellantis’s documented public suspension of Russian operations following the 2022 Ukraine invasion.35
  • Not found: No military contracts, dual-use supply, or surveillance technology provision - Military and Digital score zero.

Target Profile

FieldDetail
Company NameMaserati S.p.A.
JurisdictionItaly (continuously Italian-domiciled) 6
HeadquartersViale Ciro Menotti 322, 41121 Modena, Italy
SectorLuxury automotive manufacturing (premium passenger and grand touring vehicles)
OwnershipWholly-owned subsidiary of Stellantis N.V. (Euronext Milan/Paris, NYSE: STLA), incorporated in the Netherlands; Stellantis’s largest anchor shareholders are Exor N.V. (Agnelli family, ~23.89%), Peugeot Invest (~11.92%), and Bpifrance Participations (~10.24%) 7
Key Executives / GovernanceCarlos Tavares served as Stellantis (parent) CEO until his resignation in December 2024; no Maserati-brand-specific executive named in the audit record 8
Israeli-Nexus SummaryNo direct Israeli operations; Israeli-market presence is via an independent importer (Samelet/Mediterranean Car Agency, Herzliya); documented Israel ties are Stellantis group-level innovation partnerships (Israel Innovation Authority MoU 2021; Vayyar Imaging) and a historical FCA-Mobileye autonomous-driving MoU (2017)

Key Facts:

Executive Summary

Maserati S.p.A. is an Italian luxury passenger-vehicle manufacturer with no direct corporate presence in Israel or the Occupied Palestinian Territory. Its Israeli-market activity is conducted through an independent national importer, Samelet, which operates a Maserati dealership in Herzliya within Israel’s pre-1967 boundaries; no Maserati or Samelet retail location in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, or Gaza has been identified 111512. The brand’s documented Israel nexus is therefore narrow and indirect, and the strongest documented vectors are economic and political rather than military or digital.

The Military and Digital audits returned no public evidence of any direct defence contracting, dual-use supply, surveillance provision, or technology transfer to the Israeli state, military, or security services 1611. Maserati’s product range is exclusively civilian, and the brand has no documented military heritage, defence-sector origin, or armoured/tactical variants 2. The Israeli-origin technology links identified (a 2017 FCA-Mobileye autonomous-driving MoU; Argus Cyber Security via Continental; Upstream Security as a Stellantis group vendor) are all inbound customer relationships - Maserati/Stellantis procuring from Israeli-origin vendors - not provision of technology to Israel, and none is confirmed at the Maserati vehicle level 231413.

The Economic audit identifies a small set of Stellantis group-level economic ties to Israel: an April 2021 Memorandum of Understanding between FCA Italy and the Israel Innovation Authority to co-operate on Israeli start-ups in driving assistance, cybersecurity, and Industry 4.0 123; a 2015 FCA-Iveco-Magneti Marelli MoU with Israel’s Fuel Choices Initiative 13; and Stellantis’s recognition of Israel-based Vayyar Imaging as an innovation partner in its 2023 Venture Awards 4. None of these is Maserati-brand-specific, and no Israeli or settlement-based supplier has been identified as a tier-1 component vendor to a specific Maserati vehicle programme 14. The independent-importer model directs trade revenue from the Israeli market toward Maserati’s Italian operations rather than the reverse 1112.

The Political audit’s most distinctive finding is comparative silence: Maserati and Stellantis have issued no identified public statement on the Israel-Palestine conflict, including following October 7, 2023, despite having made public statements on the Russia-Ukraine war, racial equity, and climate 1317. The brand has no documented lobbying on Israel-Palestine, no documented donations to Israeli settlement organisations, FIDF, or JNF, and no documented crisis-asset mobilisation to Israeli state or military efforts 161218. Maserati is not listed in the UN HRC settlement-business database, the BDS Movement boycott list, or the Who Profits database 141311.

The resulting BRS score is 136, Tier E (Minimal), with V_MAX = 2.00 (Political) and Sum_OTHERS = 0.86 (Economic). The dossier’s exculpatory findings - no military supply, no surveillance provision, no settlement operations, no documented lobbying or donations - are central to the score and are presented alongside the modest economic and political findings rather than minimised.

Timeline of Relevant Events

DateEvent
Feb 2015FCA, Iveco, and Magneti Marelli sign non-binding MoU with Israel’s Fuel Choices Initiative (Prime Minister’s Office) on natural-gas vehicle technology and broader R&D 13
Aug 2017FCA (Maserati’s predecessor parent) signs MoU with BMW Group, Intel, and Mobileye (Israel) on a scalable Level 3–5 autonomous-driving platform; no Maserati-specific production contract confirmed 2
2019Samelet (Mediterranean Car Agency) acquires full ownership of Auto Italia - Ferrari and Maserati importer to Israel - having taken partial ownership in 2014 115
Feb 2020UN Human Rights Council publishes database of companies with business activities in Israeli settlements (A/HRC/43/71); Maserati is not listed 11
Apr 2021FCA Italy S.p.A. and the Israel Innovation Authority sign MoU to co-operate on Israeli start-ups in driving assistance, cybersecurity, and Industry 4.0; Stellantis states it had evaluated >30 Israeli start-ups 123
Jan 2021FCA-PSA merger completes; Stellantis N.V. becomes Maserati’s parent 9
Dec 2023Stellantis 2023 Venture Awards recognise Israel-based Vayyar Imaging (4D imaging radar for in-cabin monitoring) as an innovation partner 4
Oct 7, 2023+No Maserati or Stellantis public statement on the Israel-Palestine conflict identified in any reviewed channel 17
Dec 2024Carlos Tavares resigns as Stellantis CEO; no documented personal Israel/Palestine affiliations identified 8

Corporate Overview

Maserati S.p.A. is an Italian luxury automotive manufacturer founded in 1914 in Bologna by the Maserati brothers and continuously Italian-domiciled since 6. It is a wholly-owned subsidiary of Stellantis N.V., the multinational automotive group formed by the January 2021 merger of Fiat Chrysler Automobiles (FCA) and PSA Group 9. Stellantis is incorporated in the Netherlands, listed on Euronext Milan, Euronext Paris, and the New York Stock Exchange, and operates a portfolio of automotive brands including Maserati, Alfa Romeo, Fiat, Jeep, Peugeot, Citroën, Opel, and others 715.

Maserati’s manufacturing footprint is entirely Italy-based: Modena (the historic home of the brand, where GranTurismo and GranCabrio production returned in 2025), Cassino, and Mirafiori (Turin) 910. The brand’s product range - Ghibli, Quattroporte, Levante, Grecale, GranTurismo, GranCabrio, and MC20 - consists exclusively of premium civilian passenger and grand touring vehicles, with the GranTurismo Folgore representing Maserati’s first fully electric model 219.

Israeli entities and franchise relationships. Maserati does not directly own or operate any manufacturing, retail, or service facility in Israel or the Occupied Palestinian Territory. Israeli-market distribution is handled by Samelet (Mediterranean Car Agency), an independent national importer founded in 1946 and owned by the Levi family, which acquired full ownership of Auto Italia (the Ferrari and Maserati importer) in 2019 11512. The Maserati dealership associated with this importer operates in Herzliya, within Israel’s pre-1967 boundaries 1512. No Maserati or Samelet retail location in the occupied West Bank, East Jerusalem, or Gaza has been identified in reviewed sources 1512. Under the independent-importer model, local employment, dealership operation, and tax obligations are borne by Samelet rather than by Maserati S.p.A. 1112.

Stellantis group-level Israeli ties. At parent level, Stellantis maintains documented technology-sourcing and innovation relationships with the Israeli automotive-tech sector that are not specific to the Maserati brand: the April 2021 Israel Innovation Authority MoU 123; the 2015 Fuel Choices Initiative MoU 13; and the Vayyar Imaging innovation partnership recognised in the 2023 Venture Awards 4. Maserati is referenced in these disclosures only as one of Stellantis’s portfolio brands, not as a named counterparty to any specific Israeli supplier 14.

Domain Summaries

Military: Military

Mechanism of Involvement

No public evidence has been identified of any direct defence contracting, procurement, dual-use supply, or military-sector relationship between Maserati and any Israeli or other state military, paramilitary, or security entity. The Military audit’s six investigative vectors - direct defence contracting, dual-use products and tactical variants, heavy machinery and infrastructure, supply chain integration with defence primes, logistical sustainment and base services, and munitions/weapons systems - each returned no qualifying evidence 1611.

Maserati’s product portfolio consists exclusively of premium civilian passenger and grand touring vehicles (Ghibli, Quattroporte, Levante, Grecale, GranTurismo, GranCabrio, MC20) and does not correspond to any documented IDF vehicle procurement category, military utility vehicle specification, or light tactical vehicle tender 2. No militarised, ruggedised, or armoured variant of any Maserati product line has been identified in any reviewed source 2. Italian UAMA export control records and the annual Italian parliamentary arms export reports submitted under Law 185/1990 contain no publicly documented export licence applications or end-user certificates for Maserati products destined for Israeli defence or security end-users 720. SIPRI arms transfer data records no Maserati platform as a tracked military transfer to Israel or any other recipient state 16.

No supply chain integration between Maserati (or Stellantis acting on Maserati’s behalf) and Israeli defence prime contractors - Elbit Systems, Israel Aerospace Industries, Rafael Advanced Defense Systems, or Israel Military Industries - has been identified in Stellantis Annual Reports, the Stellantis SEC Form 20-F, or any defence industry trade database 611611. Maserati has no documented role in the Iron Dome, David’s Sling, or Arrow missile defence programmes, the F-35 supply chain in its Israeli procurement context, Merkava tank programmes, or Saar-class naval vessel construction 1617.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The strongest defence available to Maserati on the Military dimension is straightforward and well-supported by the evidence record: Maserati is a civilian luxury passenger-vehicle manufacturer with no documented military product line, no defence-sector contracting, no armoured or tactical variants, and no supply chain integration with Israeli or any other defence primes. The brand’s product range, corporate disclosures, and absence from defence trade databases are mutually consistent with a clean Military profile.

Several evidence gaps are noted and should be carried honestly: SIBAT’s full export directory is not comprehensively published in open-source form, and IMOD procurement records are partially classified or unpublished 11. Stellantis’s supply chain disclosures do not disaggregate at the Maserati brand level for all tier-2 and tier-3 suppliers, so sub-tier supply chain relationships below the first tier are not fully traceable from public corporate disclosures alone. UN Comtrade trade flow data for Italy → Israel under motor vehicle HS codes does not distinguish between individual vehicle brands or between civilian retail purchasers and state fleet purchasers at the level of a public query 18. Secondary market resale of civilian Maserati vehicles by third parties cannot be monitored from public records. None of these gaps is sufficient to overturn the consistent negative finding across six independent investigative vectors.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

No named Israeli defence entities, military units, or security agencies appear in the Military evidence record in connection with Maserati. The Who Profits Research Center database, Amnesty International corporate complicity research, Human Rights Watch business and human rights reports, AFSC Investigate database, and Corporate Occupation Project company profiles contain no published investigation, report, or profile addressing Maserati’s military, security, or dual-use supply chain relationship with the Israeli state 3419149. The UN HRC database of businesses operating in Israeli settlements (A/HRC/43/71, 2020) does not include Maserati 10. The BDS Movement campaign archive and Ethical Consumer company profiles for Stellantis contain no organised boycott, divestment, or supply-chain exclusion campaign targeting Maserati specifically in connection with defence sector activities or Israeli military procurement 1512.

Digital: Digital

Mechanism of Involvement

No public evidence has been identified of Maserati S.p.A. providing surveillance technology, biometric identification, data, software, cloud capacity, or digital services to the Israeli state, military, or security services. This is the directionally serious Digital case, and no qualifying evidence of it was found. Maserati does not operate as a cloud, data-sovereignty, or managed-infrastructure provider to any state institution, Israeli or otherwise, and is not a participant, subcontractor, technology vendor, or data processor in the Project Nimbus Israeli-government national cloud contract awarded to Google and AWS 61.

The Israeli-origin technology links identified in the Digital audit are all inbound (Maserati/Stellantis as customer), not outbound (provision to Israel), and are weighted accordingly. The principal documented link is a 2017 FCA-Mobileye MoU on a scalable Level 3–5 autonomous-driving platform, signed before the FCA-PSA merger and not confirmed as a production supply contract for any Maserati-branded vehicle; Mobileye’s own ADAS fact sheet does not list Stellantis, FCA, or Maserati as OEM partners 23. Stellantis has since built its in-house STLA AutoDrive platform and, for next-generation supervised automated driving, announced partnerships with UK-based Wayve (May 2026) rather than Mobileye 419. Argus Cyber Security (Tel Aviv-founded, acquired by Continental AG in 2017) supplies intrusion-detection technology embedded in Continental telematics products, but no public source disaggregates which OEM platforms or Maserati model lines carry Argus-derived components; any presence would be an embedded sub-component reaching Maserati through a German Tier-1, not a Maserati relationship with an Israeli entity, and is unconfirmed at the Maserati vehicle level 14. Upstream Security (Tel Aviv-founded) names Stellantis among OEMs with connected fleets referenced in its market materials - a group-level customer reference, not a Maserati-specific finding, and direction is inbound 13.

Maserati’s documented production driver-assistance supplier is Bosch (Germany): the Bosch Highway Assist SAE Level 2 system was installed across the Maserati MY2018 range 16. Stellantis’s infotainment/smart-cockpit software is developed through the Mobile Drive joint venture with Foxconn/FIH Mobile (Taiwan) 11. None of these is Israeli-origin.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The strongest defence available to Maserati on the Digital dimension is that the brand does not provide digital, surveillance, cloud, or cybersecurity technology to the Israeli state, military, or security services - the directionally serious case - and that the Israeli-origin technology links identified are inbound customer relationships (Maserati/Stellantis procuring from Israeli vendors), not outbound provision. The 2017 FCA-Mobileye MoU is a development collaboration that pre-dates the Stellantis merger, has not been confirmed as a production component in any Maserati vehicle, and has been superseded by Stellantis’s in-house STLA AutoDrive platform and the Wayve partnership. The Argus and Upstream links are sub-component or service-vendor relationships at the Stellantis group level, not Maserati-specific, and are not confirmed at the Maserati vehicle level.

Evidence gaps are noted: Stellantis group procurement below the level of announced partnerships is not publicly disclosed in sufficient granularity to confirm or exclude additional Israeli-origin enterprise-cybersecurity vendor relationships. Whether data from Israeli-market Maserati vehicles is routed through any Israeli cloud region is not publicly documented. The specific tooling used by Maserati’s Israeli importer at dealer level is not publicly documented. None of these gaps is sufficient to establish provision of technology to the Israeli state.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Israeli-origin entities appearing in the Digital evidence record: Mobileye (Jerusalem; 2017 FCA MoU, not confirmed as Maserati production supplier) 23; Argus Cyber Security (Tel Aviv; via Continental/Elektrobit, unconfirmed at Maserati vehicle level) 14; Upstream Security (Tel Aviv; Stellantis group-level customer reference) 13. No public evidence was independently identified confirming a direct licensing, subscription, or integration relationship between Maserati S.p.A. (or Stellantis at group level, attributable to Maserati) and any named Israeli-origin enterprise-cybersecurity vendor including Check Point, CyberArk, Wiz, SentinelOne, NICE, Verint, Claroty, or C2A. No public evidence identified of Israeli-origin facial-recognition, biometric-identification, behavioural-analytics, or workforce-surveillance tools deployed by Maserati at any operational level. No public evidence identified of Maserati AI/ML models being trained on civilian-population, biometric, intercepted-communications, or surveillance-derived datasets from Israel or the Occupied Palestinian Territories.

Economic: Economic

Mechanism of Involvement

The Economic audit identifies a small set of Stellantis group-level economic ties to Israel, none of which is Maserati-brand-specific. The principal documented tie is the April 2021 Memorandum of Understanding between FCA Italy S.p.A. and the Israel Innovation Authority, under which Stellantis committed to support Israeli start-ups’ scaling-up, R&D, and global activities, with initial focus areas of driving assistance, cybersecurity, and Industry 4.0; Stellantis stated it had already evaluated more than 30 Israeli start-ups and begun proof-of-concept projects 123. An earlier February 2015 non-binding MoU linked FCA, Iveco, and Magneti Marelli with Israel’s Fuel Choices Initiative (run through the Israeli Prime Minister’s Office) to co-operate on natural-gas vehicle technology and a broader R&D programme involving Israeli companies 13. Stellantis’s December 2023 Venture Awards recognised Israel-based Vayyar Imaging (4D imaging radar for in-cabin monitoring) as an innovation partner - classified by Stellantis as a partnership rather than a Stellantis Ventures equity investment 4.

Maserati is referenced in these disclosures only as one of Stellantis’s portfolio brands, not as a named counterparty to any specific Israeli supplier 14. No public evidence identifies an Israeli or settlement-based supplier as a tier-1 component vendor to a specific Maserati vehicle programme. No public evidence identifies a Maserati-brand-specific investment, equity stake, or R&D facility in Israel; the documented ties are Stellantis group-level 1413.

The independent-importer model directs trade revenue from the Israeli market toward Maserati’s Italian operations (importer purchases vehicles from the manufacturer) rather than Maserati injecting operating capital into the Israeli economy 1112. Maserati’s first fully electric model, the GranTurismo Folgore, uses a battery pack with cells sourced from LG (Polish manufacture), with Stellantis’s group battery joint venture Automotive Cells Company (ACC) operating cell production in France; no Israeli-linked battery cell manufacturer or battery-management supplier has been identified 1914.

No public evidence has been identified of Maserati S.p.A. holding direct capital investments - acquisitions, factories, real estate, or logistics infrastructure - within Israel or the Occupied Palestinian Territory 910. No public evidence has been identified of Maserati S.p.A. or Stellantis N.V. holding Israeli sovereign bonds, Israeli-domiciled equities, or Israel-focused investment funds as disclosed treasury or portfolio assets 7. No public evidence has been identified of Israeli-origin or settlement-origin inputs reaching Maserati’s manufacturing operations via third-party distributors or white-label arrangements.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The strongest defence available to Maserati on the Economic dimension is that the documented Israel ties are Stellantis group-level innovation partnerships, not Maserati-brand-specific commercial relationships, and that the independent-importer model means Maserati’s Israeli-market activity is standard luxury-automotive distribution with no settlement-territory retail, no Israeli manufacturing presence, and no Israeli-origin component supply confirmed at the Maserati vehicle level. The Israel Innovation Authority MoU and the Vayyar partnership are technology-sourcing and innovation-support arrangements, not procurement of settlement-origin goods or services to Israeli security entities. Maserati does not trade in food or agricultural categories subject to produce country-of-origin labelling regimes, and no DEFRA labelling action, EU customs enforcement notice, or consumer-protection advisory relating to Maserati and West Bank or occupied-territory origin has been identified 69.

Evidence gaps are noted: neither Maserati nor Stellantis discloses Israel-specific vehicle sales revenue or the monetary value of the Stellantis-Israel innovation partnerships, so the quantum of any economic flow to or from the Israeli economy cannot be determined from available public evidence. Stellantis’s group sourcing disclosures do not enumerate Israeli-origin sub-components at tier-2 or tier-3 level, and the completeness of that mapping at depth remains an evidence gap 7. These gaps are carried honestly and do not harden the soft group-level findings into Maserati-specific claims.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Israeli entities appearing in the Economic evidence record: Israel Innovation Authority (April 2021 MoU with FCA Italy) 123; Israeli Prime Minister’s Office / Fuel Choices Initiative (February 2015 MoU with FCA, Iveco, Magneti Marelli) 13; Vayyar Imaging (Israel-based 4D imaging radar; Stellantis 2023 Venture Awards innovation partner) 4; Samelet / Mediterranean Car Agency (independent Maserati importer in Israel, Herzliya) 11512. No Israeli agricultural aggregators (Mehadrin, Hadiklaim, Galilee Export, Agrexco successors) appear in the evidence record. No Israeli-linked battery cell manufacturer or battery-management supplier has been identified in any disclosure relating to the Folgore programme 1914.

Political: Political

Mechanism of Involvement

The Political audit’s most distinctive finding is comparative silence: no public evidence has been identified of any official Maserati S.p.A. statement, press release, or corporate communication addressing the Israel-Palestine conflict at any point in the brand’s recorded public communications history, including following the escalation of October 7, 2023 17. Stellantis N.V. has issued no identified standalone public statement on the conflict, and the Stellantis 2023 Annual Report and 2023 Sustainability Report contain no reference to the Israel-Palestine conflict 13. No Maserati-brand social media accounts on Instagram, X/Twitter, or LinkedIn have been identified as having posted content related to the conflict 17.

This silence is notable in context: Stellantis publicly suspended its Russian operations in 2022 in response to the invasion of Ukraine and issued a corresponding public statement; Stellantis has made public commitments on racial equity following the 2020 Black Lives Matter movement and on climate targets aligned with the Paris Agreement 35. No comparable communication regarding the Israel-Palestine conflict has been identified in any of these channels 13.

No public evidence has been identified of Maserati or Stellantis corporate donations or sponsorships directed toward Israeli settlement organisations, Israeli military welfare funds (e.g., Friends of the IDF/FIDF), the Jewish National Fund (JNF), or comparable organisations. No public evidence has been identified that Maserati or Stellantis directed corporate logistics, vehicles, free services, or infrastructure to Israeli state, military, or state-aligned NGO efforts during periods of active conflict, including the period following October 7, 2023. No public evidence has been identified that Maserati has accepted state honours from the Government of Israel, hosted Israeli government officials at brand events, or entered formal non-commercial partnerships with Israeli state academic or governmental institutions.

Stellantis is registered as a lobbying entity with the EU Transparency Register, with declared interests in automotive industry regulation, emissions standards, EV policy, and trade matters; no declared lobbying interest related to Middle East policy, Israel-Palestine conflict legislation, or anti-BDS legislation has been identified 1218. In the United States, Stellantis lobbying disclosures cover fuel economy standards, EV tax credits, general trade tariffs, and labour and manufacturing policy; no lobbying activity related to Israel, Palestine, or anti-BDS legislation is identified in US filings 16.

Maserati is not listed in the UN HRC database of companies with business activities in Israeli settlements (A/HRC/43/71, 2020) 11. Stellantis’s predecessor entities (FCA and PSA Group) are also not listed, though the database has not been formally updated with a new public list since its 2020 publication, creating a gap in coverage for post-2021 Stellantis activities 11. The BDS Movement’s published boycott target lists do not include Maserati or Stellantis 13. The Who Profits Research Center does not list Maserati in its automotive sector findings based on publicly available entries 14. No OECD National Contact Point complaints against Maserati or Stellantis related to the Occupied Palestinian Territory have been identified 21.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The strongest defence available to Maserati on the Political dimension is that the brand has no documented political stance, lobbying activity, donations, or crisis-asset mobilisation in relation to the Israel-Palestine conflict, and that its absence from the UN HRC settlement-business database, the BDS Movement boycott list, and the Who Profits database is consistent with the absence of any documented political or operational tie to the conflict. The comparative silence on Israel-Palestine - in contrast to Stellantis’s public statements on Russia-Ukraine, racial equity, and climate - is a corporate-communications choice rather than evidence of complicity, and the Political score reflects the documented absence of political engagement rather than the presence of complicit engagement.

Several evidence gaps are noted: the UN HRC database has not been formally updated since 2020, creating a coverage gap for post-2021 Stellantis activities 11. The Giovanni Agnelli Foundation’s complete grant recipient list is not fully public, so it is not possible to definitively rule out individual grants in this domain, though no affirmative evidence of such grants has been found 108. Following Carlos Tavares’s December 2024 resignation, interim and new leadership’s personal affiliations and philanthropic giving have not been extensively documented in publicly available sources as of the audit date 8. These gaps are carried honestly and do not harden the soft negative findings into affirmative claims of clean conduct.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

No Israeli state entities, political organisations, or advocacy groups appear in the Political evidence record in connection with Maserati or Stellantis. No Maserati or Stellantis board members, or Exor/Agnelli family principals, have been identified with publicly documented affiliations to organisations related to the Israel-Palestine conflict 1. The Stellantis 2023 Annual Report and Articles of Association reflect a commercially oriented governance structure with no golden share, state-mandated geopolitical mission, or founding charter language tying Stellantis to the geopolitical goals of any state - including Italy, France, the Netherlands, or Israel 15. The Italian government holds no golden share or special veto rights in Stellantis that would impose geopolitical obligations of the kind found in some other Italian strategic sectors 22.

BDS-1000 Score (V4)

DomainIMPV-Domain Score
Military0.000.000.000.00
Digital0.000.000.000.00
Economic4.003.003.500.86
Political2.007.007.002.00

V_MAX is driven by Political (2.00), reflecting the documented comparative silence on the Israel-Palestine conflict and the absence of any identified political, lobbying, or donation activity in either direction; the Political score is not driven by documented complicity but by the documented absence of engagement. Sum_OTHERS is driven by Economic (0.86), reflecting the Stellantis group-level Israel Innovation Authority MoU, the Vayyar Imaging innovation partnership, and the independent-importer distribution relationship - all of which are group-level or commercial-distribution ties rather than Maserati-brand-specific complicity. Military and Digital both score 0.00 across all three dimensions, consistent with the consistent negative findings across all investigative vectors.

Method: Scale-free Impact × magnitude/proximity; evidence-only from the four domain audits; human-vetted; no transitive guilt; divested/exited operations mitigated; “No public evidence identified” used wherever checks found nothing.

Methodology Note

End Notes

Footnotes

  1. https://www.media.stellantis.com/em-en/corporate-communications/press/stellantis-and-israel-innovation-authority-announce-the-signing-of-a-memorandum-of-understanding ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11 ↩12 ↩13 ↩14 ↩15 ↩16

  2. https://www.calcalistech.com/ctech/articles/0,7340,L-3903561,00.html ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11 ↩12 ↩13 ↩14 ↩15

  3. https://ambtelaviv.esteri.it/en/news/dall_ambasciata/2021/04/firma-dell-accordo-tra-stellantis-2/ ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11 ↩12 ↩13 ↩14 ↩15

  4. https://www.stellantis.com/en/news/press-releases/2023/december/stellantis-celebrates-11-top-performing-startups-and-innovation-partners-with-2023-venture-awards ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11 ↩12

  5. https://samelet.com/en/about/ ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6

  6. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maserati ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6

  7. https://www.stellantis.com/content/dam/stellantis-corporate/investors/financial-reports/Stellantis-NV-20241231-Annual-Report-and-Form-20-F.pdf ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5

  8. https://www.opensecrets.org/orgs/stellantis/summary?id=D000067274 ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4

  9. https://www.maserati.com/global/en/news/2025-maserati-granturismo-grancabrio-production-back-to-modena ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7

  10. https://www.just-auto.com/news/stellantis-maserati-modena-italy/ ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5

  11. https://www.ohchr.org/en/hr-bodies/hrc/regular-sessions/session43/documents-43rs ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11 ↩12 ↩13 ↩14 ↩15 ↩16 ↩17 ↩18 ↩19

  12. https://www.bdicode.co.il/en/company/mediterranean-car-agency-en/ ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11 ↩12

  13. https://www.media.stellantis.com/em-en/fca-archive/press/fiat-chrysler-automobiles-iveco-magneti-marelli-and-israel-s-fuel-choices-initiative-form-partnership-to-develop-innovative-natural-gas-technology-and-vehicles ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11 ↩12

  14. https://www.stellantis.com/en/news/press-releases/2023/may/stellantis-electrification-transition-in-full-swing-with-first-acc-battery-gigafactory-inaugurated-in-france ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9

  15. https://www.facebook.com/maseratiherzeliya/ ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6

  16. https://www.sipri.org/databases/armstransfers ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8

  17. https://www.maserati.com/global/en/world/brand ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5

  18. https://www.stellantis.com/content/dam/stellantis-corporate/sustainability/esg-publications/2023/stellantis-2023-sustainability-report.pdf ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  19. https://www.greencarreports.com/news/1140856_maserati-charges-up-for-its-first-ev-the-granturismo-folgore ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5

  20. https://www.esteri.it/it/politica-estera-e-cooperazione-allo-sviluppo/politica_europea/strumenti-europei/autorizzazioni-esportazione-materiali-armamento ↩

  21. https://www.oecdwatch.org/cases/ ↩

  22. https://www.stellantis.com/content/dam/stellantis-corporate/investors/corporate-governance/Stellantis-NV-Articles-of-Association.pdf ↩