Jeep

Key Findings

• Military: A documented military-licensing relationship exists between the Jeep brand and Israeli vehicle manufacturer Automotive Industries Ltd. (AIL) of Upper Nazareth, which has produced the Wrangler-derived Storm / Sufa series under licence from Chrysler since 1990, with the Storm 3 / Jeep J8 assembled in Israel and supplied to the IDF, including a reported 550-vehicle order valued at approximately NIS 47 million plus USD 23 million in U.S. aid.¹²³
• Economic: Jeep maintains no owned operations, manufacturing, R&D, or direct foreign investment in Israel; all in-market presence is mediated through independent Israeli importers (Colmobil Corporation Ltd. per Economic; Samelet per Political), with wholesale margin flowing outward to Stellantis’s Netherlands-domiciled group.⁴⁵⁶
• Political: No named, dated corporate statement by Stellantis or Jeep addressing the Israel-Palestine conflict has been identified, in contrast to its April 2022 Russia/Ukraine response; the documented state-level engagement is a 2021 civilian-technology Memorandum of Understanding with the Israel Innovation Authority covering driving assistance, cybersecurity, and Industry 4.0.⁷⁸
• Not found: No public evidence identified of a digital-surveillance, cybersecurity-vendor, or settlement-operations nexus; Stellantis/Jeep is not listed in the UN OHCHR settlements database (updated 26 September 2025) and is not named in the BDS National Committee’s December 2024 boycott guide.⁹¹⁰

Target Profile

Key Facts:

• Jeep brand originated in the United States in 1941 (Willys MB wartime programme); ownership lineage passes through Willys-Overland → Kaiser-Jeep → AMC → Chrysler → DaimlerChrysler → Chrysler LLC → FCA → Stellantis N.V. (formed January 2021 via FCA–PSA merger).¹¹
• Stellantis has no direct legal entity registered in Israel and no direct employment or tax registration in the Israeli jurisdiction.¹²
• The Jeep J8 was publicly launched at the DSEi defence exhibition in London on 13 September 2007.¹³

Executive Summary

Jeep is a wholly owned automotive marque of Stellantis N.V., the Netherlands-domiciled multinational formed in January 2021 from the merger of Fiat Chrysler Automobiles and PSA Group. The brand’s documented Israel/Palestine nexus is narrow but specific: a military-vehicle licensing relationship that has run continuously since 1990, in which Automotive Industries Ltd. (AIL) of Upper Nazareth has produced the Wrangler-derived Storm / Sufa series under licence from Chrysler (now Stellantis), with the current Storm 3 / Jeep J8 variant assembled in Israel and supplied to the Israel Defense Forces. A reported 550-vehicle IDF order, valued at approximately NIS 47 million plus USD 23 million in American aid, was characterised at the time as the Defence Ministry’s most expensive purchase of an unarmoured Israeli vehicle.¹³

Outside this military-vehicle channel, the documented record is materially thinner. Stellantis holds no owned manufacturing, R&D, warehousing, or retail operations in Israel; all civilian Jeep sales are mediated through independent Israeli importers - Colmobil Corporation Ltd. (TASE-listed) per the Economic audit, and Samelet (privately held, Levy family) per the Political audit, with the two audits recording overlapping but not identical franchise claims that this dossier carries without resolution.¹⁴⁶ No direct foreign investment, no Israeli R&D facility, and no Israeli-domiciled shareholder have been identified. The only documented state-level engagement is an April 2021 Memorandum of Understanding with the Israel Innovation Authority covering civilian automotive R&D (driving assistance, cybersecurity, Industry 4.0), explicitly framed as a multinational-corporation collaboration programme rather than a defence or security partnership.⁸

Several commonly alleged nexuses are not supported by the evidence base. No public evidence was identified of Stellantis or Jeep deploying Israeli-origin cybersecurity, surveillance, biometric, or predictive-analytics technology; the Digital audit’s survey of Israeli enterprise-software vendors (Check Point, Wiz, CyberArk, Argus, Upstream, C2A, etc.) returned no confirmed Stellantis/Jeep contract.¹⁵ No public evidence was identified of Jeep- or Stellantis-branded equipment in settlement construction, the separation barrier, or military installations; Stellantis, Jeep, and AIL are not listed in the UN OHCHR database of business enterprises involved in activities relating to Israeli settlements (updated 26 September 2025, 158 enterprises from 11 countries).⁹ Neither Jeep nor Stellantis is named in the BDS National Committee’s December 2024 boycott guide or in the USCPR’s 2025 BDS resource, though a third-party consumer aggregator (boykotmarket.com) lists Jeep citing the 2021 IIA MOU.¹⁰

The combined V4 score is BRS 292 / Tier D (Moderate). The dominant vector is Military (V-domain 3.98), driven by the AIL Storm / J8 licensing relationship and the documented IDF procurement; Economic (1.47) and Political (2.00) reflect the importer-mediated market presence and the IIA MOU; Digital (0.00) reflects the absence of any confirmed digital-surveillance or cybersecurity-vendor nexus. The score reflects what the documentary record establishes and, equally, what it does not.

Timeline of Relevant Events

Corporate Overview

Jeep is a wholly owned brand of Stellantis N.V., the world’s fourth-largest automaker by volume, with no independent corporate charter or separate legal entity creating a distinct geopolitical mandate.²⁰ The Jeep trademark is held through FCA US LLC, a Stellantis subsidiary. Stellantis N.V. is incorporated in the Netherlands under Dutch corporate law, with operational headquarters functionally split between Auburn Hills, Michigan (North American operations) and Amsterdam / Paris (European and global executive functions).¹¹

Israeli entities / franchise relationships. The audits document two overlapping but not identical franchise claims for Jeep distribution in Israel:

• Economic audit: Colmobil Corporation Ltd., a publicly listed Israeli company on the Tel Aviv Stock Exchange, holds an exclusive authorised importer and distributor franchise for Stellantis brands in Israel - including Jeep, Chrysler, Dodge, and Ram - under a dealer/franchise agreement whose commercial terms are not publicly disclosed. Colmobil is an independent Israeli corporation, not a Stellantis subsidiary or joint venture.¹⁴
• Political audit: Samelet (also rendered Samelet Motors), a privately held Israeli automotive importer founded in 1946 and controlled by the Levy family, holds the Israeli franchises for Fiat, Alfa Romeo, Maserati, Jeep, Ram, Dodge and Chrysler, and is described as “one of the two Stellantis-group importers in Israel.” Samelet’s CEO as of February 2026 is Gili Pariente.⁶

This dossier carries both franchise attributions as documented in their respective audits without resolving the apparent overlap. No public evidence was identified of either importer operating showrooms or service facilities within Israeli settlements in the West Bank, though this is neither confirmed nor denied in available English-language sources.²¹⁶

AIL (Automotive Industries Ltd.). AIL of Upper Nazareth (Nof HaGalil) is the Israeli licensee that has produced the Storm / Sufa military-vehicle series under licence from Chrysler since 1990. AIL is described in published references as “a major supplier of the Israeli Security Forces.”¹ AIL has also assembled HMMWVs for the IDF in the past (contracts later moved to U.S. plants under U.S. foreign-aid requirements) and produces other tactical vehicles (M325 Command Car, Desert Raider); these are AIL products and are not attributable to the Jeep brand.²²

Ownership. Stellantis’s principal shareholders are Exor N.V. (Agnelli family holding company, Netherlands) at approximately 14.4%, EPF/FFP (Peugeot family, France) at approximately 7.1%, and the French State via BPI France at approximately 6.2% (a legacy position from prior PSA nationalisation). The remaining ~72% is held in free float by global institutional and retail investors. None of the identified principal shareholders are Israeli-domiciled entities, and no Israeli state body, sovereign wealth fund, or government-affiliated entity holds a publicly documented stake in Stellantis.²³

Domain Summaries

Military: Military

Mechanism of Involvement

The Jeep brand’s documented military nexus runs through a single, well-attested channel: a vehicle-licensing relationship with Automotive Industries Ltd. (AIL) of Upper Nazareth, Israel, under which AIL has produced the Wrangler-derived Storm / Sufa series since 1990. The current generation - Storm 3 / Jeep J8 - is assembled in Israel by AIL and supplied to the IDF in three principal configurations: light armoured vehicle, command vehicle, and light reconnaissance vehicle. The armoured configuration provides STANAG 4569 Level I protection against 7.62 mm armour-piercing rounds, hand grenades, and fragmentation; the reconnaissance variant is designed to accept machine-gun or special-equipment mountings.¹³¹⁷

The Jeep J8 was publicly launched by Chrysler/Jeep at the DSEi defence exhibition in London on 13 September 2007, with the official press release marketing it as “the brand’s return to vehicle production for military and civilian government use.”¹³ A reported IDF procurement of 550 Storm 3 vehicles, valued at approximately NIS 47 million (about USD 13 million) plus a further USD 23 million in American aid, was characterised at the time as the Defence Ministry’s most expensive purchase of an unarmoured Israeli vehicle.³ The J8 is also documented as serving multiple foreign militaries (Taiwan, Italy, Guatemala, Panama, Ghana, Mongolia, Peru, among others).³

The directionality of the relationship is licensing-out, not supply-in: Chrysler/Stellantis is the licensor of the Wrangler platform to AIL, not a supplier of components to an Israeli defence prime. No public evidence was identified of Jeep or Stellantis appearing as a named entity in SIBAT listings or the Israeli Government Procurement Authority database; the documented military relationship runs through the AIL licence and the J8/Storm platform rather than a direct named Stellantis defence contract.³

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

Several factors materially limit the strength of any military-nexus finding:

• Civilian character of the platform. The official Chrysler/Jeep J8 release states the platform is “fully armour capable” while explicitly noting it is “not designed for front-line combat operations.”¹³ The Storm/J8 is a wheeled utility and light tactical vehicle; in its armed reconnaissance configuration it accepts machine-gun mountings, but the weapons themselves are not Jeep/Stellantis products, and no public evidence identifies the Storm/J8 as marketed or supplied as a weapons system in its own right.²⁴
• Licensor, not prime contractor. Stellantis does not manufacture, integrate, or supply the Storm; AIL does. The relationship is a 1990 trademark / platform licence, comparable in form to many civilian automotive licensing arrangements, and Stellantis does not appear as a named party in Israeli defence-procurement records.
• No munitions, no strategic platforms. No public evidence was identified of any Jeep or Stellantis role in the manufacture, integration, maintenance, or component supply of Israeli strategic defence platforms - Iron Dome, David’s Sling, the Arrow system, F-35I “Adir” aircraft, Merkava tanks, or any naval or ballistic-missile system.²⁴
• No supply to Israeli defence primes. No public evidence was identified of any supply relationship in which Jeep or Stellantis provides components, sub-systems, raw materials, or specialist manufacturing to Elbit Systems, IAI, Rafael, IMI, or any other Israeli defence prime.²⁵
• No construction / infrastructure nexus. Jeep is a passenger and light-utility vehicle brand and does not manufacture heavy construction or earth-moving machinery; no verified NGO, UN, photographic, or investigative evidence identifies Jeep- or Stellantis-branded equipment in the construction, demolition, or maintenance of Israeli settlements, the separation barrier, or military installations.²⁶
• No export-licensing record in Stellantis’s name. No public evidence was identified of any export-licence application, end-user certificate, or technology-transfer authorisation filed under the Jeep or Stellantis corporate name (as distinct from AIL) for Israeli defence or security end-users, nor of any government decision to grant, deny, suspend, or revoke such a licence.²⁷

Named Entities and Evidence Map

• Automotive Industries Ltd. (AIL), Upper Nazareth (Nof HaGalil), Israel - Israeli licensee; produces Storm / Sufa series under Chrysler/Stellantis licence since 1990; described as “a major supplier of the Israeli Security Forces.”¹²
• AIL Storm / Sufa (Mark I, II, III) - Wrangler-derived military off-road vehicle family; STANAG 4569 Level I armoured variant; reconnaissance variant with machine-gun mountings; Storm 3 Type R (2012) special-forces configuration.¹³¹⁷
• Jeep J8 - Chrysler/Jeep’s own military version of the Wrangler, launched at DSEi 2007; assembled in Israel by AIL as Storm 3.¹³
• Israel Defense Forces (IDF) - documented end-user; reported 550-vehicle Storm 3 order.³
• Israel Police - documented end-user of Storm variants from 2009.¹⁷
• Foreign military operators of J8 - Taiwan, Italy, Guatemala, Panama, Ghana, Mongolia, Peru, among others.³

Digital: Digital

Mechanism of Involvement

The Digital audit found no confirmed digital-surveillance, cybersecurity-vendor, or offensive-cyber nexus between Stellantis/Jeep and Israeli state, military, or security bodies. Stellantis’s primary confirmed cloud-infrastructure partner is Amazon Web Services, with no Israeli data-centre footprint disclosed in any reviewed corporate filing.²⁸ Stellantis is not a party to Project Nimbus (the Israeli government sovereign-cloud contract with Google Cloud and AWS) in any publicly documented capacity.²⁹

The most material documented relationship with an Israeli-origin technology vendor is Stellantis’s use of Mobileye (Israeli-founded, Jerusalem; acquired by Intel in 2017; NASDAQ: MBLY) ADAS hardware and software within its software-defined vehicle strategy. This is a standard OEM-to-Tier-1 supplier relationship for camera-based perception systems, EyeQ chips, and driver-assistance algorithms - the same dynamic present across the global automotive industry. No provision of Mobileye-integrated Stellantis technology to any Israeli state, military, or security body has been identified.³⁰

A survey of Israeli-origin enterprise-software vendors commonly present in large automotive OEM environments - Check Point, Wiz, CyberArk, SentinelOne, NICE Systems, Verint, Claroty, Palo Alto Networks, Upstream Security, Argus Cyber Security, C2A Security - returned no confirmed Stellantis/Jeep contract or named-customer disclosure.¹⁵ Argus has published research referencing FCA/Stellantis-platform vehicles in the context of vulnerability testing following the 2015 Jeep Cherokee remote exploit, but no active vendor contract is identified.¹⁸

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

• Procurement opacity. Stellantis does not publicly disclose its full enterprise software vendor stack in annual reports or ESG disclosures; use of Israeli-origin cybersecurity or analytics software at the enterprise infrastructure level cannot be confirmed or ruled out without access to internal procurement records.³¹
• STLA Brain SOC tooling unconfirmed. Whether the cybersecurity operations centre supporting Stellantis’s STLA Brain connected-vehicle platform utilises Israeli-origin tooling (e.g., Upstream, Argus, C2A) is not publicly confirmed; this is recorded as an evidence gap.³²
• Mobileye’s dual-use potential. Mobileye’s parent Intel has faced scrutiny over Israeli-state and IDF-related work; however, no publicly documented provision of Mobileye-integrated Stellantis vehicles to Israeli military or security forces in an autonomous-targeting or lethality context attributable to Stellantis has been identified.³⁰
• No Israeli R&D footprint. No Israeli R&D facility, engineering office, innovation lab, or accelerator programme is listed in any Stellantis corporate disclosure reviewed; no public evidence identifies Stellantis or Jeep operating R&D infrastructure within Israel.³³

Named Entities and Evidence Map

• Mobileye (Jerusalem; Intel subsidiary) - confirmed ADAS supplier to Stellantis; no Israeli-state provision identified.³⁰
• Amazon Web Services - confirmed primary cloud partner; no Israeli data-centre footprint.²⁸
• Foxconn (Mobile Drive JV) - cockpit electronics and in-vehicle software JV; not Israeli.³⁴
• Upstream Security, Argus Cyber Security, C2A Security, Check Point, Wiz, CyberArk, SentinelOne, NICE, Verint, Claroty, Palo Alto Networks - surveyed; no confirmed Stellantis/Jeep contract identified.¹⁵

Economic: Economic

Mechanism of Involvement

Jeep’s documented economic nexus with Israel is structurally limited to commercial vehicle distribution through an independent Israeli importer. Stellantis holds no direct foreign investment in Israel - no manufacturing facilities, data centres, logistics hubs, warehouses, or real estate holdings - and Israeli financial and automotive press have explicitly confirmed the absence of any Stellantis plant or warehouse in Israeli territory.¹² Stellantis has no direct legal entity registered in Israel and consequently no direct employment relationships or tax registration in the Israeli jurisdiction.¹²

The Economic audit identifies Colmobil Corporation Ltd. (TASE-listed) as the exclusive authorised importer and distributor for Stellantis brands in Israel, including Jeep, Chrysler, Dodge, and Ram. Colmobil is an independent Israeli corporation, not a Stellantis subsidiary or joint venture; the commercial terms of the dealer/franchise agreement (royalty rates, exclusivity scope, territorial definitions) are not publicly disclosed.¹⁴ Jeep models confirmed as available in the Israeli market through this channel include the Wrangler 4xe, Grand Cherokee, Compass, and Renegade.³⁵

Profit flows are directionally outward at the Stellantis level: retail margin is retained by Colmobil (subject to Israeli corporate taxation and distributed to Colmobil’s TASE shareholders), while Stellantis’s wholesale margin flows to its Netherlands-registered group entity and consolidates into Stellantis’s global P&L. There is no identified profit flow into Israel from Stellantis’s global operations.³⁶

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

• Importer overlap with Political. The Political audit identifies Samelet (privately held, Levy family) as a Stellantis-group importer holding the Jeep franchise, described as “one of the two Stellantis-group importers in Israel.”⁶ The two audits record overlapping but not identical franchise claims; this dossier carries both without resolution.
• Settlement-dealership evidence gap. Whether Colmobil or Samelet operates dealerships or service centres within Israeli settlements in the West Bank is neither confirmed nor denied in available English-language sources; the Who Profits and Corporate Occupation databases do not specifically cite either importer or Jeep in that context.²¹
• Tier 2/3 supplier opacity. Stellantis does not publicly disclose sub-tier supplier lists; whether Israeli-domiciled component suppliers (semiconductors, sensors, lighting, safety systems) are present at Tier 2 or Tier 3 cannot be confirmed or excluded from available public data.³⁷
• Mobileye supply contract unconfirmed at Jeep-platform level. Whether Stellantis holds an active Mobileye supply contract covering any Jeep platform is not confirmed in Stellantis’s public filings, Mobileye SEC disclosures, or automotive trade press as of the 2023 reporting period.³⁷
• No settlement-origin product nexus. Jeep produces automobiles, not agricultural or food products; the settlement-origin produce-labelling framework is structurally inapplicable, and no NGO monitoring cites Jeep or Stellantis in connection with settlement-origin product mislabelling.³⁸
• No country-of-origin mislabelling. No regulatory citation, customs enforcement action, or consumer complaint regarding country-of-origin mislabelling of Jeep vehicles in the Israeli market is publicly documented.³⁹

Named Entities and Evidence Map

• Colmobil Corporation Ltd. (TASE-listed) - exclusive authorised importer/distributor for Stellantis brands in Israel per Economic.¹⁴
• Samelet / Samelet Motors (privately held, Levy family) - Stellantis-group importer per Political.⁶
• Stellantis N.V. (Netherlands) - wholesale supplier; no Israeli legal entity.¹²
• Exor N.V. (Agnelli family, ~14.4%) - largest single shareholder; no Israeli portfolio exposure disclosed.²³
• BPI France (French State, ~6.2%) - legacy PSA position; no Israeli state linkage.²³

Political: Political

Mechanism of Involvement

The Political audit found no named, dated corporate statement by Stellantis or Jeep addressing the 7 October 2023 Hamas attack, the subsequent Israeli military operations in Gaza, or the Israel-Palestine conflict as a geopolitical matter.⁴⁰ This silence is recorded in contrast to Stellantis’s April 2022 response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine, in which it announced the suspension of manufacturing operations in Kaluga and stated that “Stellantis condemns violence and supports all actions capable of restoring peace.”⁷

The only documented state-level engagement is the 7–8 April 2021 Memorandum of Understanding between Stellantis (via FCA Italy S.p.A.) and the Israel Innovation Authority - described in source materials as “the governmental agency responsible for Israel’s innovation policy.” Under the MOU, framed within the Authority’s “Collaborative Framework with Multinational Corporations Program,” the IIA identifies Israeli technologies matching Stellantis’s needs and provides R&D funding to Israeli startups, while Stellantis provides investment, personnel, equipment and strategic guidance. Initial collaboration areas cited were driving assistance, cybersecurity, and Industry 4.0.⁸ The agreement was signed by IIA Chairman Dr. Ami Applebaum; Stellantis signatories included Roberto Di Stefano and Roberto Fedeli (CEO of the FCA Research Centre).⁸

No public evidence was identified of Stellantis or Jeep accepting an Israeli state honour, hosting Israeli government officials in a non-commercial capacity, sponsoring a “Brand Israel” or Israeli public-diplomacy campaign, or making corporate donations to parastatal Israeli organisations, settlement-financing groups, or Israeli military-welfare funds (e.g., Friends of the IDF, Jewish National Fund).⁴⁰ No public evidence was identified of Stellantis lobbying expenditure or PAC contributions specifically directed at Israel-Palestine policy, anti-BDS legislation, or Israel-related trade legislation.⁴¹

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

• Civilian framing of the IIA MOU. The 2021 MOU is explicitly framed as a civilian automotive R&D collaboration (driving assistance, cybersecurity, Industry 4.0); the reviewed text describes no defence or military application, and the IIA’s “Collaborative Framework with Multinational Corporations Program” is a generic innovation-policy instrument.⁸
• No UN OHCHR listing. Neither Stellantis, Jeep, Fiat, Chrysler, nor Samelet was identified in the UN OHCHR database of business enterprises involved in activities relating to Israeli settlements (A/HRC/60/19, 26 September 2025, 158 enterprises from 11 countries).⁹
• No BNC / USCPR boycott target. Neither Jeep nor Stellantis is named in the BDS National Committee’s December 2024 “Guide to BDS Boycott” or in the USCPR’s 2025 BDS resource. A third-party consumer aggregator (boykotmarket.com) does list Jeep, citing the 2021 IIA MOU; this is a campaign-aggregator listing rather than an official BNC/USCPR designation.¹⁰
• No executive advocacy footprint. No public evidence was identified of any personal donation, fundraising, public statement, op-ed, signed letter, or organisational affiliation by CEO Antonio Filosa or Executive Chairman John Elkann relating to the Israel-Palestine conflict, FIDF/JNF/settlement bodies, or pro-Israel or pro-Palestinian advocacy organisations.¹⁹
• No board-level affiliations. No public evidence was identified of any Stellantis board member or C-suite executive holding a personal board seat, advisory role, or leadership position in pro-Israel lobby organisations, pro-Palestinian advocacy organisations, Israeli state-aligned academic institutions, or geopolitical pressure groups focused on the region.⁴²
• No crisis-asset mobilisation. No reporting was found of Stellantis or Jeep directing vehicles, logistics, infrastructure, or other material corporate resources to Israeli state, military, or state-aligned efforts during or after October 2023.⁴⁰

Named Entities and Evidence Map

• Israel Innovation Authority - Israeli state innovation agency; MOU counterparty (April 2021).⁸
• Dr. Ami Applebaum - IIA Chairman at time of MOU signing.⁸
• Roberto Di Stefano, Roberto Fedeli - Stellantis signatories to the MOU.⁸
• Antonio Filosa - Stellantis CEO (since 23 June 2025); no Israel-Palestine advocacy footprint identified.¹⁹
• John Elkann - Executive Chairman; Agnelli family / Exor N.V. principal; no Israel-Palestine advocacy footprint identified.¹⁹
• Samelet - Israeli Stellantis-group importer per Political.⁶

BDS-1000 Score (V4)

• V_MAX: 3.98 Sum_OTHERS: 3.47
• BRS Score: 292 Tier: D (Moderate)

The score is driven by Military (3.98), which reflects the documented AIL Storm / Jeep J8 licensing relationship with the IDF - a continuous, named, and procurement-attested channel since 1990. Economic (1.47) and Political (2.00) reflect the importer-mediated commercial presence and the 2021 IIA MOU; Digital (0.00) reflects the absence of any confirmed digital-surveillance, cybersecurity-vendor, or offensive-cyber nexus. The method is scale-free: Impact (I) captures activity type, Magnitude (M) captures scale, and Proximity (P) captures directness; the score is evidence-only and human-vetted, with divested/exited operations mitigated, no transitive guilt applied, and “No public evidence identified” used wherever checks found nothing.

Methodology Note

• Evidence-only from four domain audits. All claims trace to the Military, Digital, Economic, and Political audits; no external sources are introduced. Where audits found nothing, the dossier states “No public evidence identified.”
• Scale-free Impact × Magnitude/Proximity. V-domain scores are computed as Impact × Magnitude × Proximity on a scale-free basis, capturing activity type, scale, and directness respectively.
• Temporal rule - divested/exited operations mitigated. Operations that have been divested, exited, or wound down are not scored as active nexuses; the AIL Storm / J8 relationship is scored as active because it is documented as continuous since 1990 with current-generation production.
• Entity attribution - no transitive guilt. The Jeep brand is scored on its own documented conduct; the Willys-Overland → AM General HMMWV lineage is recorded only to confirm that the modern lethal-platform franchise is held by a separate entity, and no transitive military nexus to present-day Jeep/Stellantis is established by that history.
• Settlement operation dual-counts Economic + Political. Where a company has documented settlement operations, the finding is recorded in both economic and political domains; Jeep has no documented settlement operations, so this rule does not apply.
• “No public evidence identified” used wherever checks found nothing. Procurement opacity (Tier 2/3 suppliers, STLA Brain SOC tooling, settlement-dealership presence) is recorded as an evidence gap, not as a confirmed negative finding.

End Notes