BDS-1000 Dossier: The Body Shop
Key Findings
- Political: The Body Shop operates a franchise retail presence in Israel with no corporate statement on the conflict, while its publicly documented Ukraine response provides a contrasting benchmark.12
- Economic: Franchise fee flows from the Israeli franchise create a documented revenue pathway to the corporate entity via its current administrator.342
- Not found: No public evidence of military contracts, digital-surveillance technology supply, or direct ties to Israeli defence bodies.
Target Profile
| Field | Detail |
|---|---|
| Company Name | The Body Shop International Limited |
| Jurisdiction | England and Wales (Companies House registration 00301575) |
| Headquarters | Littlehampton, West Sussex, United Kingdom (post-2024 restructuring under Aurelius Group) |
| Sector | Consumer retail - cosmetics, skincare, haircare, fragrance, bath and body |
| Ownership | Aurelius Group (Munich, Germany), since February 2024; previously Natura &Co (2017–2024) and L’Oréal (2006–2017) |
| Key Executives / Governance | Founded by Anita Roddick (Brighton, UK, 1976); UK administration handled by FTI Consulting (13 February 2024) |
| Israeli-Nexus Summary | Operates a consumer retail franchise presence in Israel via a local franchise partner whose specific corporate identity is not publicly confirmed; no documented defence, technology, settlement, or supply-chain ties to the Israeli state or occupied territories. |
Key Facts:
- Founded: Brighton, UK, 1976 (Anita Roddick)
- Companies House registration: 00301575
- UK administration: 13 February 2024 (FTI Consulting)
- US/Canada: Chapter 7 liquidation, March 2024
- B Corp status: Suspended 2024 (administration-related)
- Israeli franchise: Documented in store-finder infrastructure; franchisee identity unconfirmed
- BDS Movement primary boycott list: Not named
Executive Summary
The Body Shop is a UK-founded cosmetics retailer whose documented Israel/Palestine nexus is narrow and almost entirely confined to a single vector: a consumer-facing franchise retail presence in Israel operated through a local franchise partner whose specific corporate identity has not been publicly confirmed in primary sources.12 Across the four domain audits, no evidence was identified of defence contracting, dual-use product supply, Israeli-origin technology procurement, settlement-origin ingredient sourcing, Israeli capital investment, lobbying activity, or political communications on the conflict.5678
The strongest documented vectors are economic and political in character, both anchored in the same underlying fact: the company maintains a franchise retail presence in Israel while having issued no institutional corporate statement on the October 2023 Hamas attacks, the subsequent Gaza military campaign, or the broader Israel-Palestine conflict at any point in its corporate record.8910 This silence is analytically notable given the company’s historical activist brand identity - built on Amnesty International partnerships, anti-animal-testing campaigns, and human-rights advocacy - but it is also consistent with the company’s operational collapse: UK administration in February 2024 and US/Canada Chapter 7 liquidation in March 2024 effectively foreclosed any capacity for institutional communications during the peak period of brand pressure.51112
What is NOT supported by the evidence is more extensive than what is. The audits found no procurement relationships with the IDF, Israeli Ministry of Defence, or any Israeli security body; no Israeli-origin enterprise software, surveillance, biometrics, or cloud infrastructure relationships; no documented sourcing from Israeli agricultural exporters (Agrexco, Hadiklaim, Mehadrin, Galilee Export) or settlement-origin ingredients; no Israeli R&D footprint, technology acquisitions, or patent relationships; no lobbying on Israel-Palestine policy; no corporate donations to Israeli parastatal organisations, settlement development groups, or military-welfare funds; and no documented franchise stores operating inside West Bank settlements.5678
The resulting score is BRS 137 / Tier E (Minimal). The V_MAX of 2.00 is driven by Political (Impact 2.0, Magnitude 7, Proximity 7), reflecting the franchise presence combined with the documented absence of institutional political communications during a period of intense brand pressure on consumer companies. Economic contributes 0.98 (Impact 4.0, Magnitude 3.0, Proximity 4.0), reflecting the franchise fee flow from Israel to the UK-domiciled parent. Military and Digital both score 0.00 across all dimensions.
Timeline of Relevant Events
| Date | Event |
|---|---|
| 1976 | Anita Roddick founds The Body Shop in Brighton, UK.13 |
| 2006 | L’Oréal acquires The Body Shop for approximately £652 million.13 |
| 2017 | Natura &Co acquires The Body Shop from L’Oréal for approximately £1.1 billion.14 |
| 2020 | Body Shop issues corporate messaging on Black Lives Matter; no equivalent statement on Israel-Palestine identified.810 |
| 7 October 2023 | Hamas attacks and subsequent Gaza military campaign begin; no Body Shop corporate statement identified.8910 |
| Nov 2023 | Aurelius Group agrees to acquire The Body Shop from Natura &Co.15 |
| Feb 2024 | Aurelius completes acquisition for approximately €207 million; UK and Canadian businesses enter administration under FTI Consulting.5612 |
| Mar 2024 | US and Canadian operations file for Chapter 7 liquidation.11 |
| 2024 | B Corp certification suspended by B Lab, attributed to administration proceedings rather than geopolitical compliance failure.16 |
Corporate Overview
The Body Shop International Limited is incorporated in England and Wales (Companies House registration 00301575) and historically headquartered in Littlehampton, West Sussex.78 The company operates a global retail model combining company-owned stores in primary markets with a franchise network spanning over 70 countries.11 Its commercial identity is built on ethical consumerism, cruelty-free positioning, and the Community Fair Trade (CFT) programme, which sources ingredients from over 30 supplier communities across multiple continents.1714
Ownership chain:
- Independent / public company (1976–2006): UK-headquartered, publicly listed.
- L’Oréal (2006–2017): Paris-headquartered; acquired for ~£652 million.13
- Natura &Co (2017–2024): São Paulo-headquartered; acquired for ~£1.1 billion.14
- Aurelius Group (2024–present): Munich-headquartered private equity; acquired for ~€207 million.65
Israeli entities / franchise relationships:
- The Body Shop maintains a documented retail franchise presence in Israel, referenced in the company’s store-finder infrastructure and franchise directories.32
- The specific corporate identity of the Israeli franchise partner has not been confirmed through a primary source (Israeli corporate registry filing or disclosed franchise agreement) in available training data - flagged as a material evidence gap.4
- The Alshaya Group (Kuwait) holds Body Shop franchise rights across the Gulf and wider Middle East but does not explicitly list Israel in its published market footprint.1318
- No company-owned offices, warehouses, or retail locations operated directly by The Body Shop International in Israel or the occupied territories have been documented.719
- No public evidence identified of Body Shop franchise stores confirmed as operating in Israeli settlements in the West Bank.1318
Domain Summaries
Military: Military
Mechanism of Involvement
The Military framework assesses corporate participation in defence contracting, dual-use product supply, heavy machinery and infrastructure provision to military or settlement construction, supply chain integration with defence primes, logistical sustainment of military installations, and munitions or strategic platform manufacture. The Body Shop’s commercial activity - consumer cosmetics and personal care retail - occupies no recognised niche in any of these categories.
No public evidence was identified of any contracts, tender awards, framework agreements, or memoranda of understanding between The Body Shop and the Israeli Ministry of Defence, IDF, Israel Prison Service, Israel Border Police, or any other Israeli state security body.57191 The company does not appear in SIBAT directories, international defence exhibition catalogues, or defence procurement registries.5 No corporate press releases, government announcements, or trade press reports detail defence cooperation, joint ventures, or partnership agreements with Israeli defence entities.11191
The Body Shop’s product catalogue consists exclusively of cosmetics, skincare, haircare, fragrance, bath and body, and personal care products.51120 No ruggedised, tactical, mil-spec, or defence-grade variants have been documented. The company’s bill of materials - cosmetic-grade botanical and synthetic ingredients, packaging polymers and glass, consumer retail consumables - does not intersect with defence prime supply chains at any documented tier.191 No verified supply relationship exists with Elbit Systems, IAI, Rafael, or IMI.191
The Who Profits Research Center database, the Corporate Occupation database, AFSC Investigate, Amnesty International’s business and human rights reporting, and Human Rights Watch’s settlements and business reporting do not contain verified findings attributing a military or defence supply role to The Body Shop.82092122
Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits
The Body Shop’s strongest defence on this domain is straightforward and well-supported by the evidence record: it is a consumer cosmetics retailer with no industrial manufacturing capability, no defence engineering function, no dual-use product portfolio, and no documented procurement relationship with any Israeli or other state security body. The company’s entire regulatory exposure in recent years has been confined to consumer products regulation, franchise law, employment law, and insolvency proceedings - not defence contracting or export control law.6717
The evidence limits are also clear: the Military audit relied on training-data synthesis, as all live web search queries returned null results. The Who Profits database finding is provisional pending live-source verification. The audit explicitly notes that some civil society scrutiny of The Body Shop has related to its Israeli retail franchise presence, but this scrutiny has occurred within consumer-facing BDS discourse rather than within a military or defence contracting framework and falls outside the Military domain boundary.812
Named Entities and Evidence Map
| Check | Finding |
|---|---|
| IDF/MoD contracts | No public evidence identified.57191 |
| SIBAT / defence directories | No public evidence identified.5 |
| Dual-use product variants | No public evidence identified.51120 |
| Export licensing (UK/EU/US) | No public evidence identified; products not within controlled goods schedules.17 |
| Heavy machinery / construction | No public evidence identified; not applicable to product categories.582092122 |
| Defence prime supply chain | No public evidence identified.191 |
| Base services / logistics | No public evidence identified.58209 |
| Munitions / strategic platforms | No public evidence identified.51192117 |
| Who Profits / NGO databases | No Military-specific findings.82092122 |
| BDS boycott lists (military grounds) | Not named.129 |
Digital: Digital
Mechanism of Involvement
The Digital framework assesses enterprise technology stack relationships with Israeli-origin vendors, surveillance and biometrics deployment, cloud infrastructure and data residency, defence/intelligence sector technology provision, AI/ML provision to state bodies, and Israeli R&D footprint. The Body Shop is a mid-market cosmetics retailer with no publicly documented role as a technology provider or technology-intensive operator.
No public evidence was identified of The Body Shop holding verified licensing, subscription, or integration relationships with any Israeli-origin software or cybersecurity vendor - including Check Point, Wiz, SentinelOne, CyberArk, NICE, Verint, or Claroty.56 No corporate disclosures, press releases, technology partnership announcements, or trade press reports document such relationships. The company does not publish an IT vendor list or technology stack disclosure in its annual reports or CSR filings.123
No public evidence was identified of The Body Shop deploying facial recognition, biometric identification, behavioural analytics, or gait analysis technologies from any Israeli-origin vendor - including Trigo, BriefCam, AnyVision/Oosto, or Trax.1119 No evidence of Israeli-origin predictive analytics, social media monitoring, or workforce surveillance tools. No evidence of Israeli-origin surveillance or analytics technology reaching The Body Shop indirectly through third-party platform providers or managed security services.
No public evidence was identified of The Body Shop operating, leasing, or co-locating data centre infrastructure within Israel, participating in Project Nimbus or any comparable Israeli state-backed digital infrastructure programme, or holding data residency commitments involving Israeli state entities.611
No public evidence was identified of The Body Shop operating R&D facilities, engineering offices, innovation labs, or accelerator programmes within Israel.11 No Israeli technology acquisitions or co-investments documented in Crunchbase or Tracxn profiles.123 No significant patent portfolios, licensing agreements, or co-development arrangements with Israeli-domiciled entities or Israeli academic research institutions.
Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits
The Body Shop’s strongest defence on this domain is that it is a consumer retail brand with no technology-provision function, no cloud services division, no AI research programme of material scale, and no documented procurement relationship with any Israeli-origin technology vendor. The company’s commercial technology outputs - primarily retail, e-commerce, and loyalty systems - are not of a character that would ordinarily attract dual-use classification or defence-sector scrutiny.
The evidence limits are material: internal IT vendor stack disclosure remains absent; post-administration technology contracts (2024–2026) are not documented in publicly available records; indirect exposure via managed security service providers cannot be confirmed or excluded on available evidence. The 2023 acquisition by Aurelius Group introduced potential group-level technology procurement decisions that are not publicly documented, preventing assessment of any vendor changes arising from the change of ownership.815
Named Entities and Evidence Map
| Check | Finding |
|---|---|
| Israeli cybersecurity vendors (Check Point, Wiz, SentinelOne, CyberArk, etc.) | No public evidence identified.56 |
| Israeli biometrics/retail analytics (Trigo, BriefCam, AnyVision, Trax) | No public evidence identified.1119 |
| Project Nimbus / Israeli cloud | No public evidence identified.611 |
| Israeli R&D centres | No public evidence identified.11 |
| Israeli tech acquisitions | No public evidence identified.123 |
| Israeli patent / academic relationships | No public evidence identified. |
| AI/ML provision to Israeli state bodies | No public evidence identified.1112 |
| NGO / BDS technology-specific scrutiny | No public evidence identified.191 |
Economic: Economic
Mechanism of Involvement
The Economic framework assesses supply chain and sourcing relationships, product origin and labeling compliance, investment and capital exposure, operational presence and market activity, corporate structure and foundational ties, and profit repatriation. The Body Shop’s documented economic nexus with Israel is narrow and confined to a single primary vector: a franchise retail presence generating inward franchise fee flows from Israel to the UK-domiciled parent.
Supply chain: The Body Shop’s Community Fair Trade programme sources cosmetic-grade botanical ingredients from over 30 supplier communities, including shea butter (Ghana), aloe vera (Mexico), tea tree oil (Australia), marula oil (Namibia and South Africa), and rosehip oil (Chile and South Africa).17 None of the publicly disclosed CFT supplier directories identifies Israeli agricultural aggregators - Mehadrin, Hadiklaim, Galilee Export, or Agrexco - as named procurement counterparties.17 Agrexco ceased operations in 2011 and is not referenced in any Body Shop procurement document.15 Who Profits does not list The Body Shop as a profiled company with verified supply chain links.1
A material evidence gap exists regarding Dead Sea mineral sourcing: The Body Shop has historically marketed product lines containing Dead Sea minerals, but no verified procurement contract, supplier disclosure, or customs record naming The Body Shop as a buyer of Dead Sea minerals from an Israeli or occupied-territory source has been identified.112
Settlement-origin products: No public NGO investigation or regulatory citation by DEFRA or HMRC has been identified associating The Body Shop with goods labeled “Produce of Israel” suspected or confirmed to originate from the West Bank, Jordan Valley, or Golan Heights.112320 The UK Government’s FCDO/DEFRA guidance on overseas business risk relating to Israeli settlements does not name The Body Shop.20 No documented instance of non-compliance with UK or EU country-of-origin labeling regulations has been identified.920
Investment: No public evidence identified of direct capital investment by The Body Shop within Israel or the occupied territories - no acquisitions, production facilities, logistics hubs, data infrastructure, or real estate holdings.1922 No R&D facilities, technology partnerships, or innovation laboratories within Israel. No holdings in Israeli-domiciled companies, Israeli sovereign bonds, or Israel-focused investment funds by The Body Shop, Natura &Co, or Aurelius Group.192223
Operational presence: The Body Shop operates via a franchise model in Israel; the specific legal identity of the Israeli franchise partner has not been confirmed through a primary source - flagged as a material evidence gap.4 No company-owned offices, warehouses, or retail locations in Israel or the occupied territories have been documented.719 Israel is not broken out as a named geographic segment in any identified public corporate document.19
Profit flows: Under Natura &Co (2017–2024), profits from The Body Shop’s global operations flowed into Natura &Co’s Brazilian parent structure; no profit flows directed toward Israel were documented.1914 Under Aurelius (2024–present), profits flow into Aurelius Group’s German-domiciled fund structure; no profit flows directed toward Israel were documented.2223 If an Israeli franchise is operating, franchise royalties and fees would flow from the Israeli franchise partner to The Body Shop International in the UK - an inward economic contribution from Israel to the UK-domiciled entity, not an outward capital flow to Israel. The quantum of any such fees is not publicly disclosed.4
Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits
The Body Shop’s strongest defence on this domain is that its economic nexus with Israel is structurally standard for a global franchise retailer: a local franchise partner operates retail stores, pays franchise fees to the UK parent, and the parent has no direct operational, capital, or supply-chain exposure to Israel. The company has no Israeli R&D, no Israeli sourcing relationships, no Israeli investment portfolio, and no documented settlement-origin ingredients. The franchise fee flow is inward to the UK, not outward to Israel.
The evidence limits are significant: the Israeli franchise partner’s identity is unconfirmed; Dead Sea mineral sourcing is an unresolved evidence gap; the quantum of franchise fee income from Israel is not publicly disclosed; and the post-administration corporate structure under Aurelius may have introduced changes not yet reflected in public filings.
Named Entities and Evidence Map
| Check | Finding |
|---|---|
| Israeli agricultural suppliers (Agrexco, Hadiklaim, Mehadrin, Galilee Export) | No public evidence identified.11517 |
| Dead Sea mineral sourcing | Evidence gap - no verified procurement record.112 |
| Settlement-origin labeling | No public evidence identified.112320 |
| Direct Israeli investment / R&D | No public evidence identified.1922 |
| Israeli franchise operations | Documented; franchisee identity unconfirmed.342 |
| Settlement franchise stores | No public evidence identified.1318 |
| Profit flows to Israel | No public evidence identified; franchise fees flow inward to UK.192214423 |
| Who Profits supply chain profile | Not listed.1 |
Political: Political
Mechanism of Involvement
The Political framework assesses corporate communications and public stance, operations in occupied or contested territories, internal governance and political speech, brand heritage and state partnerships, and lobbying/advocacy/financing. The Body Shop’s documented political nexus is defined by two facts: a franchise retail presence in Israel and a documented absence of institutional corporate communications on the Israel-Palestine conflict during the October 2023–2024 period.
Corporate communications: No public evidence identified of any official corporate statement by The Body Shop International, Natura &Co, or Aurelius Group specifically addressing the Israel-Palestine conflict, the October 2023 Hamas attacks, or the subsequent Gaza military campaign.8910 The company’s activist communications during the Natura era focused on climate change, anti-animal testing, human trafficking, and domestic violence - none addressed the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as an institutional matter.20910 The company issued corporate messaging on Black Lives Matter in 2020 but no equivalent statement on Gaza.810
This silence is analytically significant given the company’s historical activist brand identity - built on Amnesty International partnerships, indigenous peoples’ rights, and environmental justice - but it is also consistent with the company’s operational collapse: UK administration in February 2024 and US/Canada Chapter 7 liquidation in March 2024 effectively foreclosed any capacity for institutional communications during the peak period of brand pressure.51112
Operations in occupied territories: The Body Shop operates exclusively through a franchise model in the Middle East and Levant region. Its primary franchise partner across the Gulf is the Alshaya Group (Kuwait), which does not explicitly list Israel in its published market footprint.1318 The Israeli franchise is a separate arrangement; the specific corporate identity of the Israeli franchisee has not been prominently reported - a material evidence gap that limits determination of whether any Body Shop retail presence extends into West Bank settlement commercial zones.32 No public evidence identified of Body Shop franchise stores confirmed as operating in Israeli settlements.1318
UN database and regulatory scrutiny: No public evidence identified of The Body Shop appearing in the OHCHR database of businesses with activities in Israeli settlements or being subject to regulatory action related to occupied-territory operations.17 B Corp certification was suspended in 2024, attributed by B Lab to administration proceedings rather than geopolitical compliance failure.16
BDS status: No public evidence identified of The Body Shop being named as a primary target on the BDS Movement’s official boycott lists.17 No organized, sustained boycott campaign specifically targeting The Body Shop on Israel-Palestine grounds was identified during the 2023–2024 period. Founder Anita Roddick’s personal pro-Palestinian public statements before her death in 2007 generated some association between the brand and pro-Palestinian sentiment in activist communities, but produced no formal corporate boycott-response cycle.152
Lobbying and donations: No public evidence identified of The Body Shop engaging in lobbying on Israel-Palestine policy, anti-BDS legislation, or pro-BDS legislation in any jurisdiction.17 No corporate donations to Israeli parastatal organizations, West Bank settlement development groups, or military-welfare funds (FIDF, JNF). No corporate giving to Palestinian relief organizations during the post-October 2023 period - distinct from founder Anita Roddick’s documented personal activism.
Amnesty International partnership: The Body Shop maintained a long-standing formal partnership with Amnesty International, involving in-store fundraising, petition hosting, and co-branded advocacy materials.910 Amnesty has subsequently published extensive human rights documentation on both Israeli military conduct and Hamas. The status of this partnership post-2020 and following the Aurelius acquisition is not confirmed - assessed as likely discontinued given administration proceedings.910
Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits
The Body Shop’s strongest defence on this domain is that it has not been named on the BDS Movement’s primary boycott lists, has not been subject to regulatory action in any jurisdiction related to occupied-territory operations, does not appear in the OHCHR database, and has not been the target of an organized, sustained boycott campaign on Israel-Palestine grounds.17 The company’s silence on Gaza, while analytically notable, is consistent with its operational collapse during the peak period of brand pressure - a structural circumstance rather than a deliberate political posture. The franchise presence in Israel is operated by a local franchise partner, not by the company directly, and no franchise stores have been confirmed as operating in settlements.
The evidence limits are material: the Israeli franchisee’s identity is unconfirmed; the Alshaya Group’s territorial scope ambiguity (whether it extends to Palestinian Authority-administered territories) is unresolved; the post-2020 status of the Amnesty International partnership is unknown/likely discontinued; and the B Corp suspension removes a governance transparency mechanism that had previously provided independent validation of supply chain and ethical-sourcing claims.131816
Named Entities and Evidence Map
| Check | Finding |
|---|---|
| Corporate statement on Israel-Palestine | No public evidence identified.8910 |
| Franchise in Israel | Documented; franchisee identity unconfirmed.342 |
| Settlement franchise stores | No public evidence identified.1318 |
| OHCHR database | Not listed.17 |
| BDS primary boycott list | Not named.17 |
| Lobbying on Israel-Palestine policy | No public evidence identified.17 |
| Donations to FIDF/JNF/settlement groups | No public evidence identified. |
| Amnesty International partnership | Documented (pre-2020); status post-2020 unknown/likely discontinued.910 |
| B Corp status | Suspended 2024 (administration-related, not geopolitical).16 |
BDS-1000 Score (V4)
| Domain | I | M | P | V-Domain Score |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Military | 0.00 | 0.00 | 0.00 | 0.00 |
| Digital | 0.00 | 0.00 | 0.00 | 0.00 |
| Economic | 4.00 | 3.00 | 4.00 | 0.98 |
| Political | 2.00 | 7.00 | 7.00 | 2.00 |
- V_MAX: 2.00 Sum_OTHERS: 0.98
- BRS Score: 137 Tier: E (Minimal)
The V_MAX of 2.00 is driven by Political, reflecting the combination of a documented franchise retail presence in Israel (Proximity 7) with a documented absence of institutional corporate communications on the Israel-Palestine conflict during the October 2023–2024 period (Magnitude 7). Economic contributes 0.98, reflecting the franchise fee flow from Israel to the UK-domiciled parent. Military and Digital both score 0.00 across all dimensions, consistent with the absence of any documented defence, technology, or dual-use ties.
Method: Scale-free Impact × magnitude/proximity; evidence-only from the four domain audits; human-vetted; fixed V4 scores.
Methodology Note
- Evidence-only: All factual claims trace to the four domain audits (Military, Digital, Economic, Political). Where audits found nothing, “No public evidence identified” is stated with source classes checked.
- Scale-free Impact = activity type: Impact captures the nature of the documented involvement (e.g., franchise retail presence vs. defence contracting vs. settlement sourcing).
- M = scale: Magnitude captures the scale of the documented activity (e.g., franchise fee quantum, geographic scope).
- P = directness: Proximity captures how directly the activity connects to the Israeli state, occupied territories, or the conflict.
- Temporal rule: Divested or exited operations are mitigated. The Body Shop’s Agrexco-era non-relationship and pre-2020 ownership structures are not scored as current exposure.
- Entity attribution: No transitive guilt. The Body Shop is scored on its own documented activities, not on those of its successive parents (L’Oréal, Natura &Co, Aurelius Group) unless directly attributable.
- Settlement operation dual-counts: A documented settlement-origin operation would contribute to both Economic and Political. No such operation has been documented for The Body Shop.
- “No public evidence identified”: Used wherever checks found nothing, with source classes specified (Who Profits, Corporate Occupation, BDS National Committee, Companies House, etc.).
End Notes
Footnotes
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https://whoprofits.org/company/the-body-shop ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11 ↩12 ↩13 ↩14 ↩15 ↩16
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https://www.thebodyshop.com/en-gb/about-us/a/a00001 ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8
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https://tracxn.com/d/companies/the-body-shop ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10
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https://www.thebodyshop.com/en-gb/about-us/a/a00001 ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7
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https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business/2024/02/the-body-shop-administration ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11 ↩12 ↩13 ↩14 ↩15 ↩16 ↩17
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https://www.bbc.com/news/business-68320345 ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9
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https://find-and-update.company-information.service.gov.uk/company/00117501 ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8
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https://www.theguardian.com/business/2024/feb/13/the-body-shop-administration-uk-stores ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11 ↩12 ↩13 ↩14 ↩15
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https://www.theguardian.com/business/2024/feb/13/the-body-shop-administration-uk-stores ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11 ↩12 ↩13 ↩14 ↩15
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https://www.thebodyshop.com/en-gb/about-us/a/a00001 ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10
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https://www.thebodyshop.com/en-gb/about-us/a/a00001 ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11 ↩12 ↩13 ↩14 ↩15
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https://www.crunchbase.com/organization/the-body-shop ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11 ↩12 ↩13
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https://www.bbc.com/news/business-68320345 ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10
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https://www.reuters.com/business/retail-consumer/natura-co-sells-body-shop-aurel ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5
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https://www.reuters.com/business/retail-consumer/aurelius-acquires-body-shop-loreal-2023 ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5
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https://www.reuters.com/business/retail-consumer/natura-co-sells-body-shop-aurel ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11 ↩12 ↩13 ↩14
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https://www.aurelius-group.com/en/portfolio/the-body-shop ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7
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https://bdsmovement.net/get-involved/what-to-boycott ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11 ↩12 ↩13 ↩14 ↩15 ↩16 ↩17
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https://www.aurelius-group.com/en/portfolio/the-body-shop ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11
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https://www.crunchbase.com/organization/the-body-shop ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4
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https://www.aurelius-group.com/en/portfolio/the-body-shop ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8







