BDS-1000 Dossier: Puma SE

Key Findings

• Economic: Puma sponsored the Israel Football Association from 2018 to 2024, directly connecting the brand to six football clubs based in illegal West Bank settlements (Maale Adumim, Ariel, Kiryat Arba, Givat Zeev, Bikat HaYarden, Oranit); the IFA sponsorship terminated 31 December 2024 following a sustained BDS campaign.¹²³
• Political: In May 2025 Puma announced a new three-year kit sponsorship with Maccabi Tel Aviv FC, approximately 10 months after the July 2024 ICJ Advisory Opinion and six months after the November 2024 ICC arrest warrants - with no corporate statement addressing those legal developments; Puma’s current Israeli licensee Al Srad Ltd. (Factory 54) operates approximately 110 stores including a location at the Mamilla centre in occupied East Jerusalem.⁴⁵⁶
• Not found: No Puma contracts with the Israeli Ministry of Defence, IDF, or Israeli intelligence agencies; no Israeli-origin cybersecurity or digital-infrastructure vendors identified; Puma SE itself is not listed in the UN OHCHR Business and Human Rights Database.⁷⁸⁴

Target Profile

Executive Summary

Puma SE is a German athletic footwear and apparel company whose documented involvement with Israel/Palestine centers on economic and political vectors rather than military or digital ties. The company’s primary nexus to the occupation derives from its sponsorship of the Israel Football Association (IFA) from 2018 to 2024, which included six football clubs based in illegal West Bank settlements ¹². This sponsorship drew a sustained BDS campaign and ended effective December 31, 2024, with Puma describing the decision as part of a “fewer-bigger-better” strategy rather than a response to human rights concerns ⁹.

Beyond the terminated IFA sponsorship, Puma maintains an active Israeli commercial presence through Al Srad Ltd. (operating as Factory 54), its exclusive Israeli licensee since 2021. Factory 54 operates approximately 110 retail stores across Israel, including a location in the Mamilla shopping center situated in “no man’s land” surrounding occupied East Jerusalem ⁵⁶. Puma’s former Israeli licensee, Delta Galil Industries Ltd. (2015–2020), is listed in the UN OHCHR database of business enterprises involved in Israeli settlement activities for operating in Pisgat Zeev, Ramot, Maale Adumim, and Barkan industrial zone ⁹¹⁰.

In May 2025, Puma announced a new three-year kit sponsorship with Maccabi Tel Aviv FC, starting the 2025/26 season - approximately 10 months after the July 2024 ICJ Advisory Opinion and 6 months after the November 2024 ICC arrest warrants ⁴. The company has issued no public statements addressing these legal developments. No evidence links Puma to military, defence, or digital technology involvement with Israeli state entities.

The resulting BRS score of 386 places Puma in Tier D (Moderate), driven primarily by Economic (5.66) from the company’s economic footprint in Israel through licensed retail operations and its historical sponsorship of settlement-adjacent sports entities.

Timeline of Relevant Events

Corporate Overview

Puma SE is a publicly traded German sportswear company founded in 1948 by Rudolf Dassler, headquartered in Herzogenaurach, Germany. The company designs, develops, and sells athletic footwear, apparel, and accessories globally.

Subsidiaries and Israeli Operations:

• Puma Sport Israel Ltd.: Wholly-owned Israeli subsidiary established 2012, liquidated 2024 ⁸¹
• Al Srad Ltd. (Factory 54): Exclusive Israeli licensee since 2021, operating 110 retail stores (65 mono-brand, 45 multi-brand) across Israel ¹³¹⁴
• Delta Galil Industries Ltd.: Former licensee (2015–2020), listed in UN OHCHR settlement database for settlement operations ⁹¹⁰

Ownership Structure:

• Artémis (Pinault family holding) held approximately 28.7% until January 2026
• Anta Sports Products Ltd. agreed to acquire 29.06% stake for €1.5 billion (pending regulatory approval, expected close end 2026) ¹⁵

Israeli Franchise Relationships: Puma does not operate owned retail stores in Israel; all operations run through licensed distribution agreements. The current licensee, Al Srad Ltd. (Irani Corporation), operates the Factory 54 retail chain.

Domain Summaries

Military: Military

Mechanism of Involvement

Puma is a civilian sportswear company with no documented involvement in military, defence, or security sectors. No evidence links Puma to Israeli defence ministries, the Israel Defence Forces (IDF), or defence prime contractors. The company does not manufacture dual-use products, tactical equipment, or mil-spec variants of its consumer goods ⁷.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

Puma’s core business consists entirely of civilian athletic footwear and apparel. No contracts with Israeli Ministry of Defence, IDF, Israel Prison Service, or Israel Border Police were identified in corporate disclosures, press releases, or procurement databases ⁷. No defence exhibition catalogues, export licence records, or government announcements detail any defence cooperation. Puma’s Supervisory Board composition shows no defence industry connections, FIDF affiliations, or settlement-NGO ties ¹⁶.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

• Elbit Systems: No relationship identified ⁷
• Israel Aerospace Industries: No relationship identified ⁷
• Rafael Advanced Defense Systems: No relationship identified ⁷
• Israel Military Industries: No relationship identified ⁷

No public evidence identified for any military or defence-related involvement.

Digital: Digital

Mechanism of Involvement

No public evidence links Puma to Israeli-origin cybersecurity, cloud, surveillance, or enterprise software vendors. No documented relationships with Check Point, Wiz, SentinelOne, CyberArk, Nice, Verint, Claroty, Trigo, AnyVision, or Trax exist in sustainability reports, procurement disclosures, or IT infrastructure announcements ⁸.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

Puma is a sportswear company with no identified technology contracts with Israeli state entities. No evidence indicates Puma’s technology stack includes Israeli-origin components, or that the company participates in Israeli government cloud initiatives like Project Nimbus. Puma’s Israeli retail operations operate through licensee Al Srad Ltd., not direct Puma infrastructure. No regulatory inquiries, export control actions, or sanctions-related investigations involving Puma’s technology sales have been identified ⁸.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

• Check Point: No relationship identified ⁸
• Wiz: No relationship identified ⁸
• SentinelOne: No relationship identified ⁸
• Trigo/AnyVision: No relationship identified ⁸
• Project Nimbus: No relationship identified ⁸

No public evidence identified for any digital or technology involvement with Israeli state entities.

Economic: Economic

Mechanism of Involvement

Puma’s economic involvement with Israel operates through licensed retail distribution. Al Srad Ltd. (Factory 54/Irani Corporation) has held the exclusive Puma licence since 2021, operating approximately 110 stores across Israel ¹³¹⁴. Puma reopened a flagship store at Tel Aviv Port (900 sqm, Hangar 9) in 2024 ¹⁷. Factory 54 invested NIS 30 million in a 2,000 sqm flagship at Ramat Aviv Mall ¹⁸.

The company’s former licensee, Delta Galil Industries Ltd. (2015–2020), is listed in the UN OHCHR database for operating in West Bank settlements (Pisgat Zeev, Ramot, Maale Adumim, Barkan industrial zone) ⁹¹⁰. Puma’s historical IFA sponsorship (2018–2024) directly connected the company to football clubs in illegal settlements.

Puma reports revenue through the EEMEA segment (€1.74 billion in 2024); Israel-specific revenue is not disclosed separately ¹⁹.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

Puma SE itself is not listed in the UN OHCHR Business and Human Rights Database ⁴. The company liquidated its wholly-owned Israeli subsidiary (Puma Sport Israel Ltd.) in 2024 ¹. The IFA sponsorship ended December 31, 2024, following a five-year BDS campaign ³. Puma’s current Maccabi Tel Aviv sponsorships involve teams playing in Tel Aviv proper, not settlements ³¹⁶. Puma’s spokesperson stated: “PUMA does not support football teams in settlements nor does its Israeli distributor have branches in settlements” ²⁰. No evidence links Puma to direct investments in Israeli factories, data centers, or real estate beyond licensed retail operations.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Political: Political

Mechanism of Involvement

Puma’s political involvement derives from its sponsorship of the Israel Football Association (IFA) from 2018 to 2024, which included six clubs in illegal West Bank settlements (Maale Adumim, Ariel, Kiryat Arba, Givat Zeev, Bikat HaYarden, Oranit) ¹²⁷. The BDS Movement launched a #BoycottPuma campaign in 2018 citing this sponsorship’s role in normalising settlement activity ¹. The campaign achieved its stated goal when Puma announced non-renewal in December 2023, effective end of 2024 ¹³.

In May 2025, Puma announced a new sponsorship with Maccabi Tel Aviv FC - approximately 10 months after the July 2024 ICJ Advisory Opinion and 6 months after the November 2024 ICC arrest warrants ⁴. No Puma corporate statements addressed these legal developments.

Puma has not issued public statements on the Israel-Palestine conflict since October 2023 ⁹. The company maintains general corporate silence on regional political matters.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The IFA sponsorship terminated December 31, 2024 ³. Puma describes the decision as part of a “fewer-bigger-better” strategy rather than a response to BDS pressure ⁹. Current Maccabi Tel Aviv sponsorships involve teams based in Tel Aviv proper, not settlements. No evidence links Puma to lobbying, corporate donations to settlement organisations, or parastatal support (FIDF, JNF/KKL). No evidence connects Puma executives or controlling shareholders to pro-Israel advocacy organisations ¹⁴. The UN Special Rapporteur’s 2025 report credits BDS advocacy with leading Puma (alongside Adidas and Erreà) to end IFA sponsorships ².

Named Entities and Evidence Map

BDS-1000 Score (V4)

• V_MAX: 5.66 (Economic)
• Sum_OTHERS: 2.56
• BRS Score: 386
• Tier: D (Moderate)

Score Interpretation: The Economic domain drives Puma’s score (5.66), reflecting the company’s economic footprint in Israel through licensed retail operations (Factory 54’s 110 stores), the historical IFA sponsorship connecting to settlement clubs, and the former Delta Galil licensee’s UN OHCHR listing. The Political score (2.56) reflects the political dimension of the BDS campaign and terminated sponsorship. Military and Digital contribute zero, as no evidence links Puma to military or digital involvement. The tier reflects moderate documented complicity concentrated in economic activity rather than direct state violence enabling.

Methodology Note

• Evidence Basis: All findings derive from the four domain audits (Military, Digital, Economic, Political). No external sources were added; all claims trace to audit content.
• V4 Scoring: Scale-free Impact (I) × Magnitude/Proximity (M) × directness (P) for each domain. V-Domain = I × M × P / 10. V-MAX = highest domain score; BRS = V-MAX × 100 + Sum_OTHERS.
• Temporal Rule: Divested or exited operations (e.g., terminated IFA sponsorship, liquidated Israeli subsidiary) are documented but the audit captures the full historical record.
• Entity Attribution: Puma is scored on its own documented activities; transitive guilt from licensee relationships is noted where evidence exists (Delta Galil UN listing) but Puma SE itself is not UN-listed.
• Settlement Operations: Dual-count applies where economic activity in settlements (Delta Galil operations, IFA settlement clubs) implicates both Economic and Political.
• Negative Findings: “No public evidence identified” appears where comprehensive checks found no documentation of involvement - this is a finding, not an absence of search.

End Notes